The Secular Song
Overlooked Contribution to European Renaissance Music1
Much research and study has been done on
the various art song forms that began to develop throughout Europe during the
Renaissance: the solo madrigals and arias of Italy, the lieder of Germany, the
chansons of France, and the airs and lute songs of England. In the midst of
such research, however, one primary country of Europe has largely been ignored.
Only Spain, among all the rest of the major Western European countries, has not
been included with any significance in the study of Renaissance secular song.
The contribution of Spain is perhaps small, but it is nonetheless vital to a
complete understanding of what was happening in the history of Western music
during this time; therefore, the history and development of Spain’s secular
song will be discussed in this paper.2
Causative historical factors,
characteristics that defined Spain’s song as distinctly “Spanish,” and primary
composers will all be overviewed. In this way, the great contribution Spain
made to Western music will be better understood and appreciated.
Monophonic song in Spain must be
regarded as an outgrowth of the troubadour movement in France. From the time of
William the IX, contact between the ruling families of France and the kings of
Spain were close and large retinues would accompany the kings as they traveled
back and forth to visit each other. There can be little doubt that troubadours
and jongleurs were a part of these retinues, for French troubadours found a
ready welcome in the courts of the Spanish kings and “langue d’oc” soon became
the language of poetry south of the Pyrenees.3
The concept of writing poetry and music
in a vernacular language gained popularity and, in the thirteenth century,
songs in the vernacular language of the Iberian peninsula began to appear when
Castilian Spanish became firmly established as its own language, apart from its
Latin roots. Folk songs have been popular since this time, although the songs
were composed in the minds of the illiterate people and passed down orally from
generation to generation.4 In Renaissance Spain there was an unusual connection
between uneducated folk singers and sophisticated court poets. It was not
uncommon for more educated poets to collect and sing simple, unmetered folk
poetry, improving and developing it to a fuller potential.5 The oldest examples are seven canciones de
amor (love songs) by Martin Codax, for which are six surviving melodies written
in Galician-Portuguese. Both the text and music of these pieces are simple in
form and nature and suggest that they were a derivation of folk dance and song
rather than the more sophisticated love songs of the troubadours.6
Written by trouvère and Benedictine monk
Gautier Coincy (d. 1236), Les Miracles de Notre Dame is perhaps the most famous
collection of stories. The fact that there are no fewer than eighty-four
surviving manuscripts proves the enormous popularity and influence of this work
amongst its contemporaries. The work was a collection of narrative poetry and
song celebrating the alleged miracles performed by the Virgin Mary.7
At least in part, Les Miracles
established a literary and musical precedent for Spain’s greatest contribution
to the music of the troubadour period: the Cantigas de Santa Maria. Written
long after all the Provençal troubadours had been driven out of their own
country by the Albigensian massacres and the annexation of Provence to Northern
France, the Cantigas were an important collection of popular songs in the
Galician-Portuguese language that was assembled at the court of Alfonso the
Great, King of Castile and León (1252-1284). By “popular” it is meant that the
songs were written for the general public’s enjoyment.8 It has been speculated
that Alfonso himself may perhaps have contributed to the collection of over 400
anonymous songs since the king was a great patron of the arts, education, and
literacy;9 however, it is more likely that the authors were the poets and
musicians associated with his court.10 Regardless, the Cantigas originated in a cultured society of aristocrats
well familiar with troubadour song. Some
interesting aspects of this collection are the common subject matter and
systematic arrangement of the collection as a whole. A favorite literary
subject during the thirteenth century, the majority of the songs are written in
adoration of Santa Maria, or the Virgin Mary, and commemorate the miracles she
performed—one song for each miracle. Every tenth song interrupts the recounted
miracles with a more general song in her praise. The original manuscripts are
carefully compiled and numbered: rubrics identify the subject matter of each
song and miniatures of musicians performing on various instruments decorate the
pages of each tenth song, further distinguishing them from the songs recounting
the attributed miracles.11
Scholars today regard the Cantigas de
Santa Maria as “one of the greatest monuments of medieval music.”12 While at
first glance it may be hard to determine the influence the troubadour and
trouvère movements had on this early form of Spanish solo song, the texts
themselves seem to establish a relationship.
Perhaps written by King Alfonso himself, the Prologue to the Cantigas lists
the qualities needed to compose well (ben trobar), and the author of the
praise-filled song Rosa das Rosas (Rose of Roses) could well be considered the
“trobador” of Our Lady. It is also interesting to note that the last of the
troubadours, Guiraut Riquier, spent ten or more years at the court of Alfonso
the Wise and many of his songs celebrate the Virgin Mary. Songs of praise for
the Virgin were common during this period and the names of many earthly women
were substituted for that of Mary’s, as many poets felt the need to prove their
loyalty during the Spanish Inquisition.13
The significance of Spanish cantigas
lies in the fact that they were the first songs to make extensive use of the
form that would later become fixed in the French virelai and Italian ballata of
the next century. Melodically, the cantigas are simplistic, concise, and
primarily syllabic with little ornamentation.
The notes move in a stepwise motion with only occasional skips of a third,
and larger leaps only occur between phrases. Clear cadences, rhythmic shape,
and the repetitive nature of the form combine together to create a melodic line
that is dancelike in nature, lending a distinctive Spanish flavor to the music.
The Cantigas de Santa Maria provides some of the most attractive and tuneful
melodies of the monophonic song, and their contribution should not be
One of the greatest achievements of
early Spanish poetry written about 1140, Mio Cid (“Poem of the Cid”) was a
minstrel song lamenting a man driven from his house and home, looking back and
“seeing doors all wide open, and gates left all unfastened; the pegs all empty,
no furs on them nor mantles; the hawks all gone too, and falcons in their new
feathers. How he sighed, my Cid! For
many great cares were upon him.”15 Scholars of Romance languages have been confused by the irregular meter
of this early Spanish poetry: the number of syllables to a line is not fixed,
but varies between eight and twenty. Some have suggested that the minstrel did
not know how to write verse and poetry, but in compound meter, it is not
difficult to understand how varying syllables could be fitted to the same tune.
“Long” notes could easily be divided into two or three shorter notes to adapt
to the natural rhythm of the vernacular Spanish. What was important was not the
number of syllables, but the number of beats, and in Mio Cid, as in most all
early Spanish and Portuguese poetry sung by minstrels, nearly every line had
four down-beats and four up-beats, most likely derived from folk-dancing.16
The minstrel poems of the Archpriest of
Hita became an important influence in fourteenth-century Spain. Following the
reign of Alfonso by about fifty years, the Archpriest ministered not only to
publicans and sinners, but also to musicians, ballad singers, and Moorish
dancing girls. He wrote words for them to sing and proved his knowledge about
their various instruments, often giving advice on which instruments sounded
better for songs sung in Arabic and which ones better complimented Spanish
text. His book, El libro de buen amor, was a collection of words which became
standard minstrel songs during his time and continued in popularity even after
his death. The collection was later translated into Portuguese, attesting to its
Minstrels played an important role in
early fourteenth-century Spain; however, by the second half of the century
professional minstrelsy began to decline and fragments of their epic poetry
became popular among common musicians. These fragments lived on in the form of
old Spanish ballads or romances viejos, and were epic-lyric poems sung to an
instrument, either in choral dances, or where people were gathered together for
recreation or work. As the popularity for this style grew, singers began to
choose national subjects for themselves and looked for inspiration in their
daily lives. Like former minstrels, they used song to keep their audience
informed of current events. Governments did not hesitate to use this to their
advantage and made use of popular singers to help spread news which was
favorable to their policies. History shows that in 1462, King Henry IV of
Castille commanded a ballade to be written on a certain campaign near Granada,
then commanded that the ballad be performed by singers of the Chapel Royal.
Similarly, ballads celebrating the fall of Granada were also composed and sung
in the Chapel Royal of Ferdinand and Isabella.18
The marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and
Isabella of Castile in 1469 created a dynamic alliance between the kingdoms of
Castile and Aragon and ushered in an age of prosperity and political stability
for Spain. Spain also benefitted greatly by the lands and riches acquired by
Christopher Columbus’ discovery of the New World, and because of the prestige
that Spain enjoyed during this era and the political power invested in
Ferdinand and Isabella, the arts flourished greatly. The Catholic monarchs
encouraged the growth of sacred music in their court and their royal chapels
grew to include a large number of composers, including Juan de Anchieta,
Francisco de Peñalosa, Pedro de Escobar, Alonso de Alva, Juan Escribano, Juan
Ponce, and Martín de Rivaflecha. The royal chapels of Aragon and Castile were
in constant contact with the mainstream centers of European music, while at the
same time maintaining a close connection with other Spanish musical centers
such as monasteries, cathedrals, and other noble households. Ferdinand and
Isabella established high standards of musical excellence and sought to emulate
and even outdo the splendor of the Burgundian court chapel. Their emphasis on
music was meant to express their highest devotion to the Catholic faith, yet it
also created an environment where musical expression that was distinctly
Spanish could flourish. This distinctive Spanish sound was unadorned and more
chordal, with its strong harmonic nature resulting from a bass-superius voice
relationship rather than the tenor-superius relationship that dominated most of
the rest of polyphony of this era. Spanish composers tailored their
compositions to the requirements of important local religious feasts, special
liturgies, and customs; however, the music demonstrates a fusion of mainstream
musical techniques and international style with local preferences and expressive
The royal patronage of music continued
with Ferdinand and Isabella’s subsequent monarchs, Charles V and Philip II.
From the time of Charles V, Spanish court administration was bound to a double
inheritance from Castile and Burgundy. Musicians were hired, governed and paid
from a variety of sources rather than through one general entity and each
administrative unit had its own regulators, forms of payment, and (often
conflicting) administrators. Musicians enjoyed royal patronage for their arts;
however, individual monarchs and their whole families were “prisoners of
ceremony” and much emphasis was unduly placed upon protocol and tradition. Even
the assumptions behind the choice of music for royal occasions were largely
decided by the bureaucracy. Still, there was an abundance of jobs for court
musicians, and Spanish singers became especially valued in Italy.20
While the Spanish monarchs may have
specifically encouraged the growth of sacred music, it cannot be ignored that
the developments of sacred music merely spilled over into secular music. By the
beginning of the sixteenth century, music was not only gaining independence
from the church, but musicians were also beginning to attain something
approaching respectability. Secular music was not only being written down, it
was also being printed.21 Interestingly enough, the largest and most
characteristically Spanish repertory of music to survive from this age consists
of secular pieces, primarily romances and villancicos.22 A villancico has meant
different things at different times, as the word existed long before madrigals
were thought of, and it continued in usage long after madrigals ceased to be
written; however, like the madrigal, a villancico was first of all a form of
verse that was later set to music. By derivation, the word seems to mean a
little song sung by country people, or “villains” as the Spanish word implies.
It was obviously a set musical form and its primary characteristic was that it
began with a refrain which preceded each verse, and finally, concluded with the
same refrain.23 Villancicos would go on
to become one of Spain’s primary contributions to Western secular music during
the Renaissance, and a major contributing factor to the development of Spanish
As a whole, many more song texts than
musical settings have survived in Spanish secular music of the era. In many
cases the musical manuscripts have been lost, but the flowering of Spanish
Renaissance secular song was essentially motivated by linguistic and literary
achievements. It was during the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella that Castilian
Spanish became an elegant and courtly language and Catholic monarchs actively
pursued the reformation of elite Spanish culture after the model of the
Burgundian court. Their courts became centers of humanistic investigation and
scholarly discourse, sparking a number of significant publications.24
Five great manuscript cancioneros from
the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries are the only sources for
information regarding ballads and villancicos.25 The earliest manuscript of such work belonged
to Ferdinand Columbus—the son of Christopher Columbus. Ferdinand bought all the
new music he could acquire, both from Spain and from Italy. He catalogued them
in his own hand and was careful to make note of the date and location where
each book was published, as well as the rate of exchange at the time of
purchase. His collection contains some of the greatest treasures of early
printed song, including 108 early Spanish songs, mainly for three
Another manuscript of Spanish music from
this era is the “Song Book of the Palace,” now located in the Royal Library at
Madrid. This collection contains 460 pieces of music for anywhere between two
to six voices, and neither this manuscript nor Ferdinand Columbus’ manuscript
are written in score. Instead, the parts are written out in different places on
the page. It was not until the twentieth century that the significance of this
collection was realized: first it was discovered that the poetry was good
enough to go into Spanish anthologies, then folksong collectors explored it,
copying out some of the tunes without the other parts. Finally, however, during
the twentieth century, the true value of the work as a whole was recognized and
the manuscripts have now been scored and printed.27
The musical style and status of the
villancico and romance are comparable to the vernacular genres of other
countries during this era; however, in spite of its appealing and popular
nature of its texts and tunes, the villancico was a courtly genre. The
villancico closely resembled the frottola of Italy in its musical structure and
the Parisian chanson in declamation while its fixed and predictable reiteration
is very similar to the French virelai or the Italian ballata. Normally the music for one strophe of a
villancico observes the following pattern:
(Refrain) Copla (Stanza)
B B A
More precisely, the form for a villancico
most often was aB cd cd aB, in which each letter represents a single line of
verse or couplet, and the capital a repetition of the same text and music—that
is, a refrain.28
While the overwhelming majority of Spanish
songs in the cancioneros are villancicos, there are also a great number of
romances. Romances were long narrative poems of many strophes usually
consisting of four phrases of music. These phrases were presumably intended to
be sung over and over again or as the basis for elaborate variations called
glosas. While the character and texts of the romances indicate a now lost and
unwritten tradition in the performance of the works, the preserved examples
serve as blueprints for the sophisticated, courtly music. With harmonic basses
like the villancico and Italian frottola, they also possess a supporting tenor
line like the fifteenth-century chanson. Spanish composers demonstrated an
expertise at writing variations, and speculation is made that this is how
multistrophic romances were intended to be performed.29
Among the best represented works included
in the cancioneros are those of Juan del Encima. His secular music seems to
have been written when he was still a young man employed by the Duke of Alba,
and although he later spent several years in Rome and even took a pilgrimage to
the Holy Land, he never published any liturgical works—or at least, none
survive today. He later returned to Spain where he served as prior at León
during the last ten or so years of his life.30 His romances and villancicos are
charming, tuneful works that establish their moods more sharply and succinctly
than those of his contemporaries. His romance, Triste España sin ventura, was
probably written in lament for the death of Queen Isabella or perhaps her son,
Prince Juan. Encima also wrote several pieces for theater including Gasajémonos
de husía and Hoy comamos y bebamos. These theatrical productions were likely
written and produced entirely by Encima as entertainment for the household of
the Duke of Alba,31 establishing Encima as one of the founders of Spanish
Between 1530 and 1560, concurrent with
an increasing European vogue for romances, Italianate poetry became fashionable
in Spain, and this too affected Spanish secular song.33 The villancico and
romance would remain the principal genres of Spanish secular song in the latter
half of the sixteenth century; however, although not prolific in number and
most often passed over, Spanish madrigals also existed as Spanish musicians cultivated
the art of the Italian madrigal.34 A few Spanish composers described their
works as madrigals, although they often set Italian words to the music rather
than Spanish either because they lived and worked abroad and the madrigal was
primarily distinctive to Italy, or else because they lived in Barcelona which
was the port through which Italian culture reached Spain. Even so, there are
some genuine Spanish madrigals, that is, works composed by Spanish composers
with Spanish words set to them, and the earliest known examples of Spanish
madrigals date from not later than 1500.35 In the Cancionero de Medinaceli,
compiled about 1560, around half of the manuscript is devoted to madrigal-type
texts in Spanish vernacular, but use Italian poetic meters. The themes, poetic
style, and musical content of these songs differ greatly from native
villancicos and romances: the tones are grave and the themes more serious. This
mood is expressed elegantly but with reserved musical means.
There were only a handful of Spanish
composers who took up the challenge of setting the new Petrarchan poetry by
fellow Spanish writers to music, but their work was nonetheless significant.
Gutierre Cetina was one of the earliest and best of the Spanish Petrarchan
poets, writing in all the meters introduced in Italy and studying the Italian
poets while living abroad in Italy. His claim to immortality lies in his
well-known madrigal Ojos claros, serenos. Well-known as a poet of love,
ironically Cetina was fatally attacked in 1554 in a love affair concerning
others.36 Juan Vásquez wrote exceptionally well in both Spanish and Italian
genres and his collection Villancicos y canciones for three, four, and five
voices was published in 1551 with another work, Recopilación de sonetos y villancicos
a quarto y a cinco, published in 1560. Other Spanish composers chose to write
their works in Italian including, Mateo Flecha the Younger and Sebastián Rabal;
both men published works in Venice. Joan Brudieu was a Frenchman who wrote
madrigals in both Castilian and Catalan, and his work can stand comparison
against the best composers of his time.37 This simply indicates that the
madrigal was a far-reaching musical form and that though there may not be a
great many madrigals written in Spanish, Spain’s composers still produced
wonderful works in other languages while composers form other countries were
inspired to create text for their works in the beautiful Spanish language; the
inspiration went both ways.
Developed entirely as an Iberian genre,
the sixteenth-century ensalada was a witty and amusing reflection of everyday
life. It was usually through composed, paid careful attention to text painting,
and was filled with satire, fragments of popular music, street songs, dramatic
exchanges, quotations of Scripture, the liturgy, and classical authors.
“Ensalada” is the Spanish word for “salad” and seems to be an appropriate name
for such a varied collection of snippets from so many sources of daily life.
Beginning about 1510, the earliest known ensalada texts are found in the works
of Gil Vincente, a Portuguese poet, and other ensalada type works by Peñalosa
and Garcimuñoz are preserved in the Cancionero musical de palacio. Juan Díaz
Renfigo’s Arte poética española, published in 1592 defined the sixteenth-century
genre and Mateo Flecho “el Viejo” (the elder) wrote a collection of
characteristic ensaladas—witty masterpieces comparable with Janequin’s
It was common in sixteenth-century Spain
that songs were written with both text and a vocal line for three or four
voices, but often be rendered as solos. This tendency towards the solo song was
highlighted by the immense popularity of the six-string Spanish lute, the
vihuela, which became a typical domestic instrument in the sixteenth century.
All types of music were arranged for this instrument—madrigals, favorite pieces
of church music, ballades (romances), songs (villancicos) and dances—and lute
books became popular. They would often begin with some general instructions and
then easy studies for the beginner to play; however, the lute was for the
professional also. It became the instrument of the serenade and was often
played beneath a fair lady’s balcony. The vihuela later gave way to the easier
five-string Spanish guitar towards the end of the sixteenth century, but guitar
music remained a popular mainstay of Spanish music.39
In addition to the works previously
described, there was also a great deal of Spanish solo art songs written
outside of Spain. However, up until current time, many secular Spanish songs
have been excluded from the solo song repertory for perhaps a reason that seems
obvious—they survive only in sources without the vocal part and have only a
written text and accompaniment. Nonetheless, these resources indicate a vibrant
repertory of Spanish solo songs in Spain, as well as in other countries, before
1650. All of the sources provide complete Spanish texts but no vocal line and
have unmeasured Spanish guitar letter notation placed over the coordinating syllables
of the text.40 The indicated chord progressions are generally very simple and
typical of dance songs from the era. The progressions I-V and V-I are
predominant with frequent secondary dominants resolving to their temporary
tonics. Occasionally modal elements are also found in such chord progressions
as V-IV or I-VII (built on the lowered seventh tone).41
How was the text of these guitar songs
rendered? Scholars are not positive, but several suggestions have been given.
Perhaps the words were intended to be spoken to guitar accompaniment, producing
a sound similar to the eighteenth-century melodrama, in which an orchestra
accompanied a spoken dialogue. Still, there is no definite reason to dismiss
that the text was intended to be sung and a singer could easily improvise a
simple recitative following the rhetoric of the written text. The singer could
also have adapted the words to the rhythm of a dance suggested by a ritornello,
or perhaps the songs may have been based on specific melodic skeletons upon
which the vocalist would improvise freely. Whatever the case, these guitar
songs with no vocal line are found frequently in Renaissance Spain.42
It could be asked where the Spaniards
learned composition, and some have speculated that their first teachers were
Flemish men like Nicholas Gombert who came to Spain about 1517 with Emperor
Charles V. One of Spain’s most famous composers, Cristóbal de Morales, most
certainly learned a great deal from Flemish composers and the Spaniards were
well familiar with the music of Josquin des Prés. However, manuscripts of
Spanish secular song from this era show that foreign teachers likely came much
earlier than originally thought, and they were not Flemish at all. Among the
minstrels kept in attendance for the medieval kings of Castile and Aragon were
Englishmen and Scotchmen. English minstrels were particularly noted for their
harp playing and how much influence this had on the popularity of the Spanish
lute and guitar can only be speculated.43
One very intriguing point to ponder from
this time period is the influence Spanish music had upon the colonization of
the New World. This transmission of culture began taking place in the 1520’s
and 1530’s when missionary priests came to the New World to establish churches
and schools for the education and conversion of the native Indians. Music
especially became an important part of these missionary programs and the
attempts to teach the Indians to play and sing European music were quite
successful. Manuscripts copied or used in the colonies from this time period
reinforce the impression that the “Spanish” musical culture found in the New
World represented the same blend of Spanish and European musical culture found
in the Iberian peninsula. In the
earliest surviving manuscripts from the colonies are found pieces by Josquin,
Isaac, Mouton, Compére, and Sermisy along with works by Iberian composers such
as Peñalosa, Anchieta, Escobar, and Morales.44
Although much is still unknown
about the musical culture during the first centuries of Spanish colonization in
the New World, there is enough to recognize the myriad implications of both the
confrontation and coexistence of European Renaissance values and indigenous
There is an old belief among Spanish
musicians that sacred music is of greater importance than its secular
counterpart. Perhaps ironically then, ever since the beginning of the sixteenth
century, it has been Spain’s secular music—not her sacred—that has taken the
lead in the development of expression.46 With a great variety of sound, rhythm,
and harmony that creates music that is distinctly Spanish, there can be little
question as to the importance of Spain’s music to the development of Western
secular music. And because Spain held a great deal of land claims in the New
World and was a key figure in its colonization, Spain’s musical contributions
spread even more, creating a lasting monument to the masterpieces of the
Spaniards. By understanding the historical happenings of this period, the genres
specific to Spain, and the men who composed such works, greater appreciation
can be developed for the contributions of the country that is most often
Baron, John H.
“Secular Spanish Solo Song in Non-Spanish Sources.” Journal of the American
Musicological Society, 30, No. 1 (Spring 1977): 20-42.
Bell, Aubrey F.G.
“Cetina’s Madrigal.” The Modern Language Review 20, No. 2 (Apr. 1925): 179-183.
Brown, Howard M.
and Louisa K. Stein. Music in the Renaissance, 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1999.
H. Medieval Music. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1978.
Trend, J.B. “The
Performance of Music in Spain.” Proceedings of the Musical Association, 55th
Sess. (1928-1929): 51-76.
“Spanish Madrigals.” Proceedings of the Musical Association, 52nd Sess.
W. “The Impact of Folk Song on Sacred and Profane Love Poetry in
Post-Tridentine Spain.” The Sixteenth Century Journal 17, No. 4 (Winter 1986):
1 This article
originated as a term paper for the course Medieval and Renaissance Music at
2 John H. Baron,
“Secular Spanish Song in Non-Spanish Sources,” Journal of the American
Musicological Society 30, No. 1 (Spring 1977): 20.
3 Richard H.
Hoppin, Medieval Music (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 318.
4 Bruce W.
Wardropper, “The Impact of Folk Song on Sacred and Profane Love Poetry in
Post-Tridentine Spain,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 17, No. 4 (Winter 1986):
5 Ibid., 485.
6 Hoppin, op.
7 Ibid., 320.
8 J. B. Trend,
“The Performance of Music in Spain,” Proceedings of the Musical Association,
55th Sess. (1928-1929): 61.
9 Hoppin, op.
10 Trend, loc.
11 Hoppin, op.
12 Ibid., 320.
13 Ibid., 319.
16 Ibid., 66-67
17 Ibid., 63-64.
18 Ibid., 65.
19 Howard H.
Brown and Louise K. Stein, Music in the Renaissance, 2nd ed. (Upper Saddle
River, New Jersey: 1999), 213-215.
20 Ibid, 220-221.
21 Trend, op.
22 Brown, op.
23 J. B. Trend,
“Spanish Madrigals,” Proceedings of the Musical Association, 52nd Sess.
24 Brown, loc.
“Spanish Madrigals,” op. cit., 15.
28 Brown, op.
29 Ibid, 219.
30 30 Ibid, 217.
31 Ibid, 219.
“Spanish Madrigals,” op cit., 17.
33 Brown, op.
34 Ibid, 219-220.
“Spanish Madrigals,” op. cit., 13-15.
36 Aubrey F. G.
Bell, “Cetina’s Madrigal,” The Modern Language Review 20, No. 2 (Apr. 1925):
37 Brown, op.
39 Trend, op.
40 Baron, op.
41 Ibid., 25.
42 Ibid., 26.
“Spanish Madrigals,” op. cit., 16.
44 Brown, op.
45 Ibid, 227.
46 Trend, “Spanish
Madrigals,” op. cit., 18.